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Do some Arab regimes have the will to make a decision to return to Syria, and if they have this will, are they the masters of their decision, or are there red lines developed by the American strategy department in the region to prevent them from exercising their national duty towards a presumed Arab brother? They wrestled with each other.
The visit of Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir to Damascus was supposed to be followed by successive visits by Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shukri, in parallel with a diplomatic dash that would return all Arab missions to their headquarters in the Syrian capital at the level of ambassadors or business tycoons. And not the secret security, which has been adopted so far in some cases.
The positive “frictions” between the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and Emigrants Walid Al-Moallem with some heads of Arab delegations participating in the United Nations, as well as the statements that followed, confirm the Arab desire to move towards a re-correction of the relationship with Damascus. A desire that appears to be still latent, but it is also forbidden to some Arabs, despite the unconditional openness to Syria that marked the general meeting and bilateral meetings held by the Speaker of the Syrian People’s Assembly Hamouda Sabbagh during his participation in the meeting of the Arab Parliamentary Union held in the Jordanian capital Amman Beginning of the month.
It is certain that this political Arab diplomatic rush was a surprise to the elements of the American administration and its institutions in a time that could have been fatal in the political and strategic sense. The rush was an attempt by these regimes to contain the repercussions of the announcement by US President Donald Trump, Syrian territory.
What is not surprising is the quick response from the rulers of the Arab regimes to the American pressure to stop the aforementioned eruption, or at least to freeze it at the moment, pending the evacuation of the dust of the last battles and the most influential in the future balance of the region and the area of ​​influence of each of the warring.
This measure of American sanctions against some Arab regimes does not take into account the Arab-Arab interests. Otherwise, we would find at least some form of the roles prepared for these regimes on the map of the distribution of regional influence in the Syrian field now and later. The first is to work to contain the Russian influence, which is gradually expanding in the region from Syria, because of the Russian leadership’s ability to open up to the regional powers that are active and non-existent. Avzh. Second: To seek to contain the repercussions of alliances formulated by the Iranian leadership with countries and key forces active in the region, which enabled it to reserve a place for Tehran at the table of senior influential in the regional and international affairs. Thirdly, an attempt to restore the Turkish regime by offering temptations in the field after the US military and security establishment felt the acceleration of this regime towards normalizing its strategic and military relations, especially with the Russian leadership. Fourthly, the exploitation of preventing some Arabs from returning to Syria in order to blackmail the Syrian state to push it to make substantial concessions that prolong the Syrian constitution and the political process and the issue of displaced persons in addition to the file of reconstruction.
This is not something new, but an old one that is renewed with every American and Israeli plan aimed at redrawing the geopolitical map of the region to continue to preserve Washington’s interests and to ensure the existence, sovereignty and security of the Israeli entity. In many cases, if not most of them were some of the Arab regimes partner in the back or hidden in all conspiracies, but this did not prevent Syria from trying to work on the formulation of understandings between Arab countries in light of the impossibility of achieving full unity in positions and aspirations.
Syria used to live without any relationship with some Arab regimes, especially during the years of crisis – the conspiracy that passed and pass, but will Arabs be able to get used to living without Syria, and more accurately will they list them without Syria or will remain on the sidelines of the event industry and thus the future. Their future.

Translated from Alwatan News Syria

The Arabs with Syria and Donna – Al Watan Newspaper

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